“I
live in the Managerial Age, in a world of "Admin."
The greatest evil is
not now done in those sordid "dens of crime" that Dickens loved to
paint.
It is not done even in concentration camps and labour camps. In
those we see its final result.
But it is conceived and ordered (moved,
seconded, carried, and minuted)
in clean, carpeted, warmed and
well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars
and cut
fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do not need to raise their
voices.
Hence, naturally enough, my symbol for Hell is something like
the bureaucracy of a police state or the office
of a thoroughly nasty
business concern. —
I'm still stewing over the line in an editorial in
The Ventura County Star (our local paper in "south-central-coastal California") on President Obama's "
squeamishness about the use of force" in Iraq, a sequeamishness he's partly overcome as I write in early middle-ish August of 2014.
Let's
go back to a war ambiguous enough to keep a conference of ethicists at
work for a few years, but relatively straight-forward as wars go and
certainly compared with most wars currently and lately: "The Big One,"
"WWII," "The Last Good War" (on the side of the Allies).
The
people of Dresden and Hamburg were, generally and undoubtedly, "Good
Germans," supporting their duly elected Leader. Did they — or the people
of Tokyo — deserve to be blown apart or burned to death or asphyxiated
as the
firestorms destroyed their bombed cities? Did they deserve to have their children killed — or their children to die, often horribly?
To ask such questions is to answer them, and it is rare for politicians or others to justify carpet-bombing cities in terms of
deserve. The questions either aren't asked, or justifications are presented in terms of "speed the end of the war."
Air-power
advocates had a theory: "strategic bombing," as it was called, would
remove the means of making war at their sources by destroying factories,
communication networks, and stores of war materiel; would break the
morale of the Enemy by terrorizing the civilian population and killing
family members of fighters; and (usually spoken very quietly, if at
all), kill off many in a rising generation of potential opponents. Or,
as Winston Churchill is said to have put it back in the days before
accurate bombing — deny housing to Enemy workers, since if the bombers
could get their bombs onto a city, they'd be sure at least to destroy a
bunch of houses.
Back when I was studying such things, the war
wonks were still arguing whether or not strategic bombing worked, and my
Army teachers were dubious. For sure, however, we can say that warfare
from the beginning has involved killing civilians and killing them in
large numbers: intentionally as part of a terror campaign and/or
"business as usual," or, more recently, as "collateral damage," where
noncombants are not killed (wounded, maimed, rendered homeless) as a
primary objective but as a more or less unfortunate unintended — but
inevitable — consequence.
Similarly for weapons of mass
destruction other than strategic bombers, e.g., massed artilley a fleet
showing up in your harbor with large numbers of naval guns and/or,
nowadays, missiles.
I don't know whether President Obama was
right or wrong in ordering air attacks in Iraq, and right about now I'm
too disgusted with both the Israelis and Palestinians to take sides
(although I'm Jewish and old enough to know what "Good Germans" of many
nations could do to Jews rendered stateless — and the
survival of Israel is important to me). What I can do now is repeat yet again a couple ideas drawn from George Orwell on
language, Kurt Vonnegut on warfare, and C. S. Lewis (see above) on the nature of modern evil.
There
are always men in the world — mostly men —who have set up "ends,"
goals they are convinced will justify "any means necessary" to achieve.
These people, generally, are fanatics, often fanatics operating from
religious assumptions that involve values of infinite worth: saving
souls, e.g., establishing The Kingdom of God, as they see it, doing what
"
God wills" (
Deus vult!). There are other men — mostly men — less lofty in their worldviews for whom "
War
is a mere continuation of policy by other means," or who pursue the
Mafia idea of "Business is business," just on vaster and bloodier scales
than Mafia dons and soldiers.
Such folk can do a lot of damage, as can decent people resisting evil or frightened people who will do unto others
before those others do unto us — or people understandably out for revenge.
And many such people are armed and dangerous, and sometimes heavily armed.
This
has been the way of humankind and in less sophisticated forms (quite
likely) the way of many of the ancestors of humankind. So be it. Let us
at least, however, face honestly what it is we do.
Contemplating the destruction of Dresden by US and UK aerial bombing during World War II,
Kurt Vonnegut wrote in
Slaughterhouse-Five,
"I have told my sons that they are not under any circumstances to take
part in massacres, and that the news of massacres of enemies is not to
fill them with satisfaction or glee. I have also told them not to work
for companies which make massacre machinery, and to express contempt for
people who think we need machinery like that.”
I
can't be quite that much of a pacifist, so my advice to the hawks
calling for US "assertiveness" and "use of force" is (1) to put in
specific, concrete terms just what they are calling for, (2) think about
Vonnegut's actually rather extreme position — as the world goes — and
(3) apply the more limited rule, "Only kill when you really, really have
to," and, if we're talking about killing
people, maybe not even then.
And,
while we're engaging in such relatively idealistic behavior, perhaps we
can reduce the "massacre machinery" in its nuclear varieties to levels
where our willingness to kill one another doesn't get so out of hand
that we take down our civilization, if not our species (and maybe
vertebrate life and complex plants).
That may be unmanly talk, but, then, I'm endorsing some varieties of squeamishness.